Conferences
► Full reference: M.-A. Frison-Roche, participation in the round table “L’avenir de la justice négociée : faut-il consolider et étendre la convention judiciaire d’intérêt public ?” (The future of negotiated justice: should the judicial public interest agreement be consolidated and extended?), in French National Assembly, colloquium 10 ans après la loi Sapin II. Quelles réformes pour relancer la lutte contre la corruption en France ? (10 years after the Sapin II Act. What reforms to revive the fight against corruption in France?), at the initiative of Raphaël Gauvain, at the invitation of Yaël Braun-Pivet, President of the National Assembly, and Vincent Caure, Chair of the Law Committee, Hôtel de Lassay, Paris, 20 October 2026. - 🧮 The round table takes place from 5 pm to 6.30 pm. It is chaired by Sandrine Mazetier, former Member of Parliament, member of the board of Transparency International France. 🪑🪑🪑 The other speakers are: 🕴️Jérôme Simon, First Deputy Prosecutor at the Parquet national financier (French National Financial Prosecutor’s Office), Chair of the Club des juristes commission on the judicial public interest agreement; 🕴️Astrid Mignon Colombet, partner at August Debouzy, rapporteur of that commission; 🕴️Céline Haye-Kiousis, President of the Association nationale des juristes de banque (French National Association of Bank Lawyers), General Counsel of the BPCE group; 🕴️Jean-Philippe Foegle, in charge of litigation and advocacy on illicit financial flows at the association Sherpa; 🕴️Alexis Werl, member of the Conseil national des barreaux (French National Bar Council), partner at Ashurst. This conference was held in French. - ► Presentation of my contribution to the round table: The round table, devoted to the French Judicial Public Interest Agreement (convention judiciaire d’intérêt public, CJIP), takes stock of it ten years after its creation by the Sapin II Act and outlines its prospects. The presentation below follows the remarks I made there, in answer to the questions put to me by the Chairwoman of the round table. 1. Do you consider that the Compliance culture has progressed since the 2016 Act was adopted, and what improvements could be made to strengthen it? The Compliance culture has made great progress, since it started from nothing, and the CJIP has become a « star » among Compliance tools, at once a success and the object of sharp criticism. Many relatively simple technical improvements can be envisaged, but its proper functioning is above all a matter of culture, notably in the relationship between companies and public prosecutors. Yet one does not reform mores by decree, and probably no more by statute. The first issue is the scope of the CJIP. In the United States, the DPA and the NPA, invented by practice, apply to any offence. The Sapin II Act covered corruption, influence peddling and the laundering of the proceeds of tax fraud; tax fraud itself was added in 2018, then environmental offences in 2020. But, through « related offences », the Épinal public prosecutor included in the Nestlé Waters CJIP, in 2024, offences under consumer law, and the Parquet national financier covered, in the Paprec CJIP, in 2025, unlawful cartels: competition law thus enters the CJIP. Such successive extensions, at the discretion of prosecutors and each with its own regime, are not a good way to proceed. If the tool is regarded as appropriate, and there is agreement that it is, it would be better to open it in a general and abstract way, within a unified regime. What matters in a CJIP is the compliance programme: the company undertakes not so much to settle the past as to take charge of the future. As a Compliance tool, the CJIP is aimed at the future, the company committing itself to systemic transformations. It could therefore serve, beyond corruption and the environment, to reduce harassment and discrimination, to protect persons, and to make whistleblowing effective. Why not extend it to all offences, since Compliance establishes a continuum between Criminal Law and other branches of Law, and there is no right to a CJIP? But increasing the power of the CJIP in this way, and therefore the power of prosecutors, requires that the parties concerned, and not only the company, be present. Yet neither the victims nor the interested persons are, and the rights of the defence are weak, because the legal nature of the CJIP is not firmly settled. Is this « agreement », which is legally not a contract, a negotiation between two powerful parties, the prosecutor and the company, or a kind of trial in which the prosecutor acts as a sort of arbitrator? In the latter case, the rights of the defence must benefit all the persons concerned, whose first right is to be there. This shift from a contractual atmosphere to a procedural one is a matter of culture: here again we meet the limits of the Legislator’s power. 2. The persons targeted by the facts: what improvements should be made to the French legal framework? Through self-reporting, the company provides the dates, events, places and persons: the complete incrimination. In law, this certainly amounts neither to an admission of guilt nor to proof, but when the persons whose conduct is thus described are then sent before the criminal court, everything is there, documents included. They are not only executives, but often lower-ranking employees, including in subsidiaries or partner structures of the company. Having neither taken part in the CJIP nor been able to exercise any rights of defence, they come before the court already « wrapped up ». The Legislator, having accepted the CJIP and wishing to consolidate its success, must therefore not stay in the middle of the bridge: admit it for more offences, or even for every offence, under unified rules; extend it to natural persons; and, moving away from the American contractual model, proceduralise the process by allowing the « persons targeted » by the facts reported by the company to take part in the CJIP procedure. In 2016, the Legislator advanced to the middle of the bridge; ten years later, it must cross it, or else the CJIP should never have been created. So let us cross it!